However, the loss began before 2020 in its handling of the UK’s Brexit strategy and negotiations with Brussels.6 In the British context, managing state affairs applies to the territorial politics of the 2 whole United Kingdom and not only to the Westminster and Whitehall bubbles in London. [...] A former European correspondent for The Daily Telegraph, now covering public policy for the Financial Times, he documents the damage done to the British economy, estimated by the Office of Budget Responsibility as equivalent to a 4% loss of economic growth and around 15 % lower exports and imports in the long run than if the UK had remained in the EU.12 Foster concludes that “Brexit has made the U. [...] Nationalism cannot exist in a vacuum, in a bubble of its own; a process of ‘othering’ is key and it is not obvious, in the case of England, what that is or would be, excepting that ‘Europeans’ in the form of the European Union performed that role in the Brexit referendum campaign in 2016 and thereafter… The Conservatives, with UKIP, a more radical English party hard on its heels, were better able. [...] Among the many paradoxes involved is that the more a Labour Government in London draws closer to the EU without trying to rejoin, the less problematic would be the prospect of a hard border between both Scotland and Wales and England in the event that an independent Scotland and Wales joined the EU before England.26 Scenarios of constitutional change A two-term, ten-year perspective on these issue. [...] Such debates would recall the historian Colin Kidd’s analysis of a ‘unionism before the union’ is his account of how Scots-English relations were framed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries before the monarchical union of 1603 and the political union of 1707.35 Such speculations necessarily arise from the deeply uncertain state of British politics and the weakening character of its political.
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