Against this, I suggest we should understand his project in the context of the reorganization of the media establishment that occurred during the rule of Álvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010) in the first decade or so of the millennium.35 Rather than seeing Hoyos as a lone entrepreneur or a journalistic “great man,”36 I reconstruct his project in the framework of a broader reconfiguration of the Colombia. [...] This institution which was—like the JEP—created as part of the Havana Peace framework,50 issued its final report in the summer of 2022.51 In this regard, the technical annex on the statistics of the conflict commissioned by the JEP, the CEV, and the civil society organization Human Rights Data Analysis Group concluded that “there is evidence that the paramilitaries were primarily responsible for f. [...] Quiroga-Villamarín the FARC were the main culprits of kidnapping and the recruitment of boys, girls, and teenagers.”52 To be sure, while these exact figures are debatable—and indeed, are being debated right now by the Colombian transitional justice institutions—it is difficult to deny that by the 1990s, the “war of massacres” had become the preferred form of violence of the far-right paramilitarie. [...] In this period, it became part of a broader constellation through which journalists and media operators adjusted to the expectations of the Uribe war-related vision of “democratic security.”74 In the same vein, the Uribe government mobilized the notion of “terrorism” to brand the guerrilla groups as actors that were beyond the reach of the law— as such, placing them outside of the purview of the p. [...] “Whoever Invokes Humanity Wants to Cheat:”86 On the Political Uses of the Legal Categories of “Humanity’s Law” Legal categories linked to the plight of the victims of kidnapping were actively mobilized by Hoyos and Las Voces, especially as the Uribe administration found itself increasingly on the defensive in the last years of his regime.
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