As Turkiye’s defence-industrial strategy has changed over time, so have its interactions with other European countries in this sector. As part of a joint project with the Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, this report explores selected European countries’ perspectives on working with Turkiye’s defence industry, looking both at their past records and the prospects for future cooperation. Turkiye’s defence-industrial relationships with key European partners have changed over time. In the1980s Turkiye pursued joint ventures with foreign firms to procure equipment and develop defence-industrial capability. Although the most significant of these were the agreements with US firms to set up F-16 fighter-aircraft assembly in Turkiye, many projects were pursued with European companies, including for aircraft, guided weapons and communications equipment. From 2004, Turkiye changed its approach to focus more on acquiring locally developed equipment. Many of these platforms were either designed with assistance from foreign firms or were fitted with their subsystems, although over the past two decades Turkiye has been seeking to replace the latter with its own systems.Over the last four decades, and in some cases for even longer, French, Italian, Dutch, Spanish and British companies have been important in supporting Turkish defence-industrial objectives. Today, however, some of those companies are less involved than they were previously, due to a series of political disagreements between Ankara and their respective national governments. The main causes of discord have been Turkiye’s military operations in Syria since 2016, particularly the 2019 Operation Peace Spring, and its acquisition of the Russian Almaz-Antey S-400 air-defence system in 2017. Due to these political differences, France’s and the Netherlands’ levels of defence-industrial engagement with Turkiye are now at historic low points. By contrast, although Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom share many of these concerns and have at times limited defence exports to Turkiye, they largely seek to engage with Turkiye as an important NATO ally that has a key role in security matters in Europe, the Middle East and Africa. This includes seeking defence-industrial opportunities, such as the design support for Turkiye’s Anadolu amphibious assault ship and Kaan fighter-aircraft programmes provided by Spanish company Navantia and the UK’s BAE Systems, respectively.
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Table of Contents
- With contributions from Guillem Colom-Piella Davis Ellison Andrea Gilli Mauro Gilli Patrice Moyeuvre Simona R. Soare and Konrad Zasztowt 1
- Contents 3
- Executive Summary 2 3
- Introduction 3 3
- Section 1 3
- Turkiyes Bilateral Defence-industrial Relationships with Other European States 4 3
- Section 2 3
- France 6 3
- Section 3 3
- Italy 9 3
- Section 4 3
- The Netherlands 12 3
- Section 5 3
- Poland 15 3
- Section 6 3
- Romania 17 3
- Section 7 3
- Spain 19 3
- Section 8 3
- United Kingdom 22 3
- Conclusion 24 3
- Notes 25 3
- Executive Summary 4
- Introduction 5
- 1. Turkiyes Bilateral Defence-industrial Relationships with Other European States 6
- Patrice Moyeuvre Associate Research Fellow The French Institute for International and Strategic Affairs IRIS 8
- 2. France 8
- Andrea Gilli Lecturer University of St Andrews Mauro Gilli Senior Researcher ETH-Zurich 11
- 3. Italy 11
- Davis Ellison Strategic Analyst The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies 14
- 4. The Netherlands 14
- Konrad Zasztowt Assistant Professor Warsaw University 17
- 5. Poland 17
- Simona R. Soare Professor of Strategy and Technology Lancaster University 19
- 6. Romania 19
- Guillem Colom-Piella Associate Professor Pablo de Olavide University 21
- 7. Spain 21
- Tom Waldwyn Research Associate for Defence Procurement IISS 23
- 8. United Kingdom 23
- Conclusion 26