Foremost among them are Gojko Raičević, the editor-in-chief of the IN4S portal (who launched the National TV channel, the centrepiece of which was a programme entitled Srpski svet), the Serbian historian Aleksander Raković, the author of the book Crnogoski separatizam (Montenegrin Separatism) and the one-time editor of the ‘Serb Land of Montenegro’ website, and the histo- rian Čedomir Antić. [...] However, the role of particular personalities cannot be excluded from the narrative, and any credible analysis of the conflict between the Montenegrin government and the SPC has to address the critical one played by Amfilohije Radović, the ‘Metropolitan of Montenegrin and Littoral, Archbishop of Cetin- je, Exarch of the throne of Peć’ (Metropolitan), who was the architect of the SPC’s policy in Mo. [...] Notwithstanding numerous disputes with the SPC, the Montenegrin authorities largely avoided dis- cussion on the most vexed of questions: the SPC’s role in the country, the status of the CPC and the issue of property rights. [...] In the following weeks and months, tens of thousands of Montenegrin citizens took to the streets to protest against the law and called upon the Montenegrin authorities to ‘hear the voice of the people’ and to bring ‘their lost souls back to the church’35 The SPC also succeeded in forging a narrative that Orthodox Christians were being persecuted by the Montenegrin government, a somewhat misleading. [...] Subsequent negotiations on the composition of the government took place in Ostrog monastery near Nikšić, with the active participation of a number of high-ranking SPC clerics.41 But the victory of the ZBCG was greeted with fear and anxiety by many of Montenegro’s ethnic minorities, not least because of attacks on Bosniaks in the town of Pljevlja in the immediate wake of the elections, and on the b.
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- 28
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- Bosnia and Herzegovina
