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48 National Coalition (n 39) para 88: ‘Such facts would include the following: the respective ages of the partners; the duration of the partnership; whether the partners took part in a ceremony manifesting their intention to enter into a permanent partnership, what the nature of that ceremony was and who attended it; how the partnership is viewed by the relations and friends of the partners; wheth. [...] It recognised that religious bodies play a large and important part in public life and are part of the fabric of our society,64 the open and democratic society contemplated by the Constitution requires mutual respect and co-existence between the secular and the sacred: [T]he acknowledgment by the state of the right of same-sex couples to enjoy the same status, entitlements and responsibilities as. [...] The long title of the Bill made this abundantly clear: The purpose was to ‘provide for the solemnisation of civil partnerships [and] the legal consequences of civil partnerships’.80 Another way of stating the long title of the Bill would simply have been ‘to preserve the traditional, historic nature and meaning of the institution of civil marriage’.81 The Bill repeatedly reserved the category of ‘. [...] The ANC eventually used its political power in the committee and in the houses of parliament to pass this version of the proposed legislation in time to meet the deadline of the Constitutional Court.87 3 The judicial construction of a ‘separate but equal’ power/knowledge regime and the discourse of the ‘good’ homosexual subject Golder and Fitzpatrick write that Foucault gives ample evidence in his. [...] This is the internal racism of permanent purification, and it will become one of the basic dimensions of social normalization.103 In the light of these remarks and the preceding discussion, we are compelled to suggest that the ‘separate but equal’ discourse of the recognition jurisprudence had a similar effect in the domain of sexual orientation as that which Foucault describes in terms of race.