Introduction The 2021 Myanmar coup and the ensuing political crisis have posed crucial questions for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) [a] on the usefulness of its legacy principles—i.e., non-interference in members’ internal affairs, as stipulated in its Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), and consensus-based decision-making (or the ‘ASEAN Way’). As people continue to flee Myanmar for Thailand and India, regional stability is under threat, [1] and Thailand’s former Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya noted as early as in 2021 that “ASEAN not only has the right, but the responsibility, to act decisively and take concrete actions to ensure that Myanmar’s generals end the violence, reverse their coup, respect the will of the people, and allow democracy to prevail in Myanmar.” [2] ASEAN states have taken varied stances on the Myanmar coup. Vietnam and the Philippines, for instance, have referred to the coup as an internal matter; others like Malaysia and Indonesia, for their part, have raised concerns. [3] In 2021, former Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin said his country was “gravely concerned over the tragic situation” in Myanmar, and that he was “appalled by the persistent use of lethal violence against unarmed civilians which has resulted in a high number of deaths and injuries, as well as suffering across the nation. It contradicts the principles enshrined in the ASEAN Charter, which we in ASEAN commit ourselves to promote and protect so that peace, security, and prosperity for our region is guaranteed.” [4] Similarly, former Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) called “for an immediate end to the use of violence in Myanmar to prevent further loss of lives.” [5] Jokowi had also called for an emergency ASEAN meeting to discuss the Myanmar coup; one was held in April 2021, following which the grouping released a ‘Five-Point Consensus’ (5PC) on tackling the Myanmar situation, which comprised the following: (1) an “immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar” and for all parties to “exercise utmost restraint”; (2) “constructive dialogue among all parties concerned…to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of the people”; (3) “a special envoy of the ASEAN Chair shall facilitate mediation of the dialogue process”; (4) “humanitarian assistance” to Myanmar; and (5) “the special envoy and delegation shall visit Myanmar to meet with all parties concerned.” [6]
Authors
- Attribution
- Premesha Saha, “Finding an End to the Myanmar Crisis: ASEAN’s Massive Task,” Occasional Paper No. 453 , November 2024, Observer Research Foundation.
- Pages
- 29
- Published in
- India
Table of Contents
- Introduction Introduction 3
- Introduction Introduction 4
- The Myanmar Crisis The Myanmar Crisis 5
- An Overview An Overview 5
- The Myanmar Crisis The Myanmar Crisis 6
- An Overview An Overview 6
- The Myanmar Crisis The Myanmar Crisis 7
- An Overview An Overview 7
- International International 8
- Reactions Reactions 8
- Cambodias Term as Chair 2022 9
- ASEAN ASEAN s Response s Response 9
- Indonesias Tenure 2023 10
- ASEAN ASEAN s Response s Response 10
- Under Laoss Leadership 2024 11
- ASEAN ASEAN s Response s Response 11
- The 2024 ASEAN Summit 12
- ASEAN ASEAN s Response s Response 12
- ASEAN ASEAN s Response s Response 13
- ASEAN ASEAN s Limitations s Limitations 14
- ASEAN ASEAN s Limitations s Limitations 15
- Cambodias worries 16
- ASEAN ASEAN s Limitations s Limitations 16
- Indonesias dilemma 17
- The external factor 17
- ASEAN ASEAN s Limitations s Limitations 17
- ASEAN ASEAN s Limitations s Limitations 18
- ASEAN ASEAN s Options s Options 19
- ASEAN ASEAN s Options s Options 20
- Conclusion Conclusion 21
- Endnotes Endnotes 22
- Endnotes Endnotes 23
- Endnotes Endnotes 24
- Endnotes Endnotes 25
- Endnotes Endnotes 26
- Endnotes Endnotes 27
- Endnotes Endnotes 28
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